Copyright notice: Excerpted from page 517–33 of The Constitution of Liberty: The Definitive Edition by F. A. Hayek, published by the University of Chicago Press. Hayek, “ Why I Am Not a Conservative ” “ I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. The need for a clear distinction is absolutely imperative, however, where, as is true in many parts of Europe, the conservatives have already accepted a large part of the collectivist creed—a creed that has governed policy for so long that many of its institutions have come to be accepted as a matter of course and have become a source of pride to “conservative” parties who created them. Site Map The position which can be rightly described as conservative at any time depends, therefore, on the direction of existing tendencies. One of the best essays by Friedrich Hayek explicating why he consider himself not a Conservative. The reason for this is not only that the term “liberal” in the United States is the cause of constant misunderstandings today, but also that in Europe the predominant type of rationalistic liberalism has long been one of the pacemakers of socialism. But the more a person dislikes the strange and thinks his own ways superior, the more he tends to regard it as his mission to “civilize” others—not by the voluntary and unhampered intercourse which the liberal favors, but by bringing them the blessings of efficient government. 8. ), A History of Why We Worry about What We Eat, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, featured publisher, University of Chicago Press: 1427 E. 60th Street Chicago, IL 60637 USA | Voice: 773.702.7700 | Fax: 773.702.9756 Hayek Why I Am Not a Conservative An excerpt from The Constitution of Liberty (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960) by F. A. Hayek Scientific Style and Format In a country like the United States, which on the whole still has free institutions and where, therefore, the defense of the existing is often a defense of freedom, it might not make so much difference if the defenders of freedom call themselves conservatives, although even here the association with the conservatives by disposition will often be embarrassing. Let me now state what seems to me the decisive objection to any conservatism which deserves to be called such. The liberal, of course, does not deny that there are some superior people—he is not an egalitarian—but he denies that anyone has authority to decide who these superior people are. True, the later history of the party that bore that name has made some historians doubt where there was a distinct body of Whig principles; but I can but agree with Lord Acton that, though some of “the patriarchs of the doctrine were the most infamous of men, the notion of a higher law above municipal codes, with which Whiggism began, is the supreme achievement of Englishmen and their bequest to the nation”—and, we may add, to the world. I have little doubt that some of my conservative friends will be shocked by what they will regard as “concessions” to modern views that I have made in Part III of this book. There is nothing corresponding to this conflict in the history of the United States, because what in Europe was called “liberalism” was here the common tradition on which the American polity had been built: thus the defender of the American tradition was a liberal in the European sense. We are at an important point in American politics, and especially in what is often considered Right of center politics. Here the believer in freedom cannot but conflict with the conservative and take an essentially radical position, directed against popular prejudices, entrenched positions, and firmly established privileges. The growth of ideas is an international process, and only those who fully take part in the discussion will be able to exercise a significant influence. Milton Friedman. All rights reserved. The Conservative defender too inclined to treat as ulti­mate wisdom what by the same token is bound to be superseded.” Thus despite his trenchant criticisms of the left and its conception of freedom, Hayek is ultimately not a conservative (as, of course, he himself argued in 1960). To the liberal they are valuable not mainly because they are long established or because they are American but because they correspond to the ideals which he cherishes. He also does not disdain to seek assistance from whatever non-rational institutions or habits have proved their worth. But it is still true that, since liberalism took the place of Whiggism only after the movement for liberty had absorbed the crude and militant rationalism of the French Revolution, and since our task must largely be to free that tradition from the overrationalistic, nationalistic, and socialistic influences which have intruded into it, Whiggism is historically the correct name for the ideas in which I believe. Therefore, it is necessary first to shoot a glance at Hayek's political philosophy, second to investígate on the meaning of conservatism. press.uchicago.edu/books/... 9 2 29. comments. There is one respect, however, in which there is justification for saying that the liberal occupies a position midway between the socialist and the conservative: he is as far from the crude rationalism of the socialist, who wants to reconstruct all social institutions according to a pattern prescribed by his individual reason, as from the mysticism to which the conservative so frequently has to resort. 397–411). It has, since the French Revolution, for a century and a half played an important role in European politics. University of Chicago, “One of the great political works of our time.… The twentieth-century successor to John Stuart Mill’s essay, ‘On Liberty.’" —, University of Chicago Press: 1427 E. 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, The Constitution of Liberty : The Definitive Edition, View Full Further, he goes on to explain how Conservatism is incompatible … June 19, 2011. — F.A. Read 6 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. This is difficult to reconcile with the preservation of liberty. Why I am Not a Conservative book. The picture generally given of the relative position of the three parties does more to obscure than to elucidate their true relations. But I believe that the conservatives deceive themselves when they blame the evils of our time on democracy. FA Hayek’s famous essay “Why I Am Not A Conservative” has never been more relevant, and all libertarians/classical liberals need to read it right now. In the well-known postscript to The Constitution of Liberty, entitled “Why I Am Not a Conservative,” Hayek states what he calls “the decisive objection to any conservatism which deserves to be called such,” which is “that by its very nature it cannot offer an alternative to the direction in which we are moving . Throughout the essay, which is originally included in his book 'The Constitution of Liberty', Hayek makes it clear the reasons which places Conservatism, as an ideology, much less desirable for any society that aims for growth and development. Though today the contrary impression may sometimes be caused by the fact that there was a time when liberalism was more widely accepted and some of its objectives closer to being achieved, it has never been a backward-looking doctrine. So far as much of current governmental action is concerned, there is in the present world very little reason for the liberal to wish to preserve things as they are. We work in a very competitive market, and we aim to be the best among the writing websites. Admittedly, it was only when power came into the hands of the majority that further limitation of the power of government was thought unnecessary. I will not deny that scientists as much as others are given to fads and fashions and that we have much reason to be cautious in accepting the conclusions that they draw from their latest theories. It would seem to the liberal, indeed, that what is most urgently needed in most parts of the world is a thorough sweeping-away of the obstacles to free growth. It may succeed by its resistance to current tendencies in slowing down undesirable developments, but, since it does not indicate another direction, it cannot prevent their continuance. A great deal more might be said about the close connection between conservatism and nationalism, but I shall not dwell on this point because it may be felt that my personal position makes me unable to sympathize with any form of nationalism. The conservative feels safe and content only if he is assured that some higher wisdom watches and supervises change, only if he knows that some authority is charged with keeping the change “orderly.”. And since it does not really believe in the power of argument, its last resort is generally a claim to superior wisdom, based on some self-arrogated superior quality. But the main point about liberalism is that it wants to go elsewhere, not to stand still. Indeed, though the restrictions which exist today in industry and commerce are mainly the result of socialist views, the equally important restrictions in agriculture were usually introduced by conservatives at an even earlier date. That the conservative opposition to too much government control is not a matter of principle but is concerned with the particular aims of government is clearly shown in the economic sphere. He wrote, "The conservative is indeed usually a man of very strong moral convictions," but "has no political principles which enable him to work with people whose moral values differ from his own for a political order in which both can obey their convictions." Turabian I sometimes feel that the most conspicuous attribute of liberalism that distinguishes it as much from conservatism as from socialism is the view that moral beliefs concerning matters of conduct which do not directly interfere with the protected sphere of other persons do not justify coercion. In it Hayek argues that there are some … Closely connected with this is the usual attitude of the conservative to democracy. At a time when most movements that are thought to be progressive advocate further encroachments on individual liberty, those who cherish freedom are likely to expend their energies in opposition. The common resistance to the collectivist tide should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the belief in integral freedom is based on an essentially forward-looking attitude and not on any nostalgic longing for the past or a romantic admiration for what has been. View discussions in 1 other community. 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